Migrants and their remittances: Patterns and trends from Ethiopia

This blog was written by Yuki Kimura, a Research Assistant at the University of Sussex. 
(Email address: yukikimura96@gmail.com)

Given the increasing prominence of migration especially due to climate change and globalisation, deepening our knowledge of who and why they migrate and remit is necessary since migration may be a key way in which individuals and households would be able to escape poverty.

One of the central discussions in the migration literature is over remittances, which is a crucial mechanism via which migration can lift households out of poverty. Theoretical debates over why migrants remit has explored altruism, exchange or self-interest, or the mixture of both “impure altruism” or “enlightened self-interest”[1], as the possible reasons for why migrants may remit.[2]

Another debate focuses on whether there is a trend in how much migrants remit as their time away increases, or more commonly known as the “remittance decay hypothesis”, that is, the longer a migrant is away from home, the lower the probability of sending remittances and also the lower the amount. In this realm, empirical evidence has been mixed, with some studies finding that time has a negative effect on the amount and probability of remittances, whilst others have found a null effect of time.

There has also been a finding of an inverted U-curve relationship between time and both the amount of and the probability of remittances.[3] The theoretical reasoning for such a relationship is the following: due to set-up costs (such as migrating, finding a job, finding a place to live) and low or uncertain income when migrants have just migrated, the probability of remitting and the amount of remittances are both likely to be low at the beginning of their migration, meaning that as they establish themselves over time, both the probability and the amount of remittances will rise.

However, there is also a counteracting effect as time goes on: over time, migrants’ social connections with the community and their families are likely to diminish or weaken, leading to a decrease in remittances. For example, Liu and Reilly (2006) have found that the peak of remittance sending for internal migrants in Jinan, China is between 25 to 48 months.

Migrating out of Poverty in Ethiopia [4] collected information in 2018 on over 7000 individuals, consisting of non-migrants, internal, and international migrants. Just over 30% of the migrants remitted cash back to the household in the last 12 months. There are significant differences between international and internal migrants over whether they remit, however: 21.3% of internal migrants remitted cash back compared with 63% of international migrants.

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics

International migrants comprised 22.36% of the total migrants, most of whom a. migrated to the Middle East and b. were female, reflecting the recent surge of female Ethiopians migrating to the Middle East to work as domestic workers.[5] As for internal migrants, most (54.5%) migrated within the zone of their household and there is an even distribution of males and females.

Exploring the correlations:  

The correlations between characteristics of migrants and their likelihood of sending remittances home/how much they send were explored by regressing whether they remit or not/how much they remit on their age, months away, whether they are married, their education level, whether they have a child at home, gender, whether they are  an international or an internal migrant, and their relationship with the household head.

Preliminary analysis of the data suggests some interesting patterns. We explored the correlations between various characteristics of migrants and their likelihood of sending remittances home, and how much they send.[6] Firstly, not only does the data support the existence of an inverted-U relationship between time away and both the likelihood of migrants remitting and the amount of remittances sent home to their families, it also suggests that these peak at around 5 years.

For example, Figure 1, which shows the predicted probabilities that migrants remit back home against time, illustrates that although the probability of sending remittances home gradually increases as their months away increases to roughly 40% when their time away reaches around 5 years, the probability of remitting then declines as time away from home increases.

Similarly, from Figure 2, which shows the predicted amount that migrants remit back home on average per month against time, we can see that the predicted remittance amount increases gradually to about 5000 Birrs (roughly US$168.92), again at around 5 years before declining as time away increases.

This is longer than that typically found by the literature (2 to 3 years). This suggest that Ethiopian migrants take longer to settle down at their migration destination than we see in other contexts. Alternatively, it may imply that the amount of time it takes for social ties to erode between an Ethiopian migrant and their family is longer: given that kinship and familial ties play an important role in the Ethiopian community, remittances as informal familial arrangements may be more strongly institutionalised in their community compared with elsewhere.[7]

Breaking down the data by gender, we observe some differences between males and females, as illustrated by Figures 3 and 4. Although men and women have similar probabilities of remitting on average, this pattern over time is different.

Firstly, at any given time, a. women have a higher probability of remitting than men (Figure 3) and b. women are predicted to remit a larger amount back home (Figure 4).

Secondly, both the likelihood of remitting and the amount of remittances sent continues to increase for a longer period of time for women than for men: for women (men), the former continues to increase until 65 (53) months and the latter peaks at 65 (60) months for women (men). This may imply that women take longer to set up and establish themselves to be able to remit back home, or that the familial ties they have with their family are stronger than men.

Lastly, marital status matters for women but not for men: married women decrease their likelihood of remitting by 12.8 percentage points compared to unmarried women and they also, on average, remit nearly 2000 Birrs (US$68) less.

International migrants (which over 70% are female) are 38.5 percentage points more likely to remit on average and remit over 10,000 Birr more compared with internal migrants when controlling for some of their key characteristics. International migrants’ likelihood of remitting back home increases until 58 months into their migration before decreasing, 4 months later than when the likelihood of sending remittances peaks for internal migrants.

This difference possibly highlights the larger set up costs imposed on international migrants compared to internal migrants. Another disparity between the international and internal migrants’ remittance behaviour is that contrary to international migrants, there is no pattern between how long they have been away and the amount of remittances sent back home for internal migrants once we control for some key characteristics. In other words, for internal migrants, although the probability of remitting increases and then gradually falls over time, the amount remitted does not vary according to their time away.

This may reflect their limited ability in sending remittances home: there may not be scope for internal migrants to increase their remittances over time due to minimal income compared with international migrants.

Preliminary analysis using the survey dataset on Ethiopian migrants have revealed interesting patterns and trends in their remittance patterns and in particular that Ethiopia migrants increase their likelihood and the amount of remittances for a longer period than suggested by the literature.

It has revealed that women have a higher probability of remitting throughout their time away and the results have also suggested the possibility that familial ties for female migrants (whether it be due to altruism or self-interest) take longer to break down than for male migrants.

Further, international migrants remit considerably more both in terms of likelihood of remitting and the amount remitted, highlighting the differences between internal and international migrants’ capability of sending remittances home. Further investigation into migrant behaviours and their remittances are required to understand how and when migration can play a key role in aiding individuals and households to break out of poverty.

References

• Adugna, G., 2019. Migration patterns and emigrants’ transnational activities: comparative findings from two migrant origin areas in Ethiopia. Comparative Migration Studies, 7(1), p.5.
• Brown, R.P., 1997. Estimating remittance functions for Pacific Island migrants. World development, 25(4), pp.613-626.
• Brown, R.P., 1998. Do migrants' remittances decline over time? Evidence from Tongans and Western Samoans in Australia. The Contemporary Pacific, pp.107-151.
• Czaika, M. and Spray, J., 2013. Drivers and dynamics of internal and international remittances. The Journal of Development Studies, 49(10), pp.1299-1315.
• De Regt, M., 2007. Ethiopian women in the Middle East: The case of migrant domestic workers in Yemen. Africa Studies Centre, Leiden, 15.
• Dercon, S., De Weerdt, J., Bold, T. and Pankhurst, A., 2006. Group-based funeral insurance in Ethiopia and Tanzania. World development, 34(4), pp.685-703.
• Hunte, C.K., 2004. Workers' remittances, remittance decay and financial deepening in developing countries. The American Economist, 48(2), pp.82-94.
• Johnson, G.E. and Whitelaw, W.E., 1974. Urban-rural income transfers in Kenya: an estimated-remittances function. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 22(3), pp.473-479.
• Krishnan, P., & Sciubba, E. (2009). Links and architecture in village networks. Economic Journal, 119(537), 917-949.
• Liu, Q. and Reilly*, B., 2004. Income transfers of Chinese rural migrants: some empirical evidence from Jinan. Applied Economics, 36(12), pp.1295-1313.
• Lucas, R.E. and Stark, O., 1985. Motivations to remit: Evidence from Botswana. Journal of political Economy, 93(5), pp.901-918.
• Mitra, A., 2004. What motivates transfer of resources: altruism or principle of exchange?. The Journal of Developing Areas, pp.31-48.
• Siegel, M. and Kuschminder, K., 2012. A Who’s Who in Ethiopian Migration?.
• Zewdu, G.A., 2018. Ethiopian female domestic labour migration to the Middle East: patterns, trends, and drivers. African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal, 11(1), pp.6-19.

Endnotes

[1] A term coined by Lucas and Stark (1985). 

[2] Discussion on motivations to remit available in Lucas and Stark (1985) and in Czaika & Spray (2013).

[3] Stark (1978) and Liu and Reilly (2006).

[4] The Ethiopia survey was collected as part of the Income and Remittances research theme, with the Ethiopia team led by Mr Asmelash Haile Tsegay and the Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa, Addis Ababa. Data for the 2018 survey and an earlier baseline survey in 2014 are available from the Migrating out of Poverty website. 

[5] Further discussion on female Ethiopians migrating to the Middle East as domestic workers can be found in G.A. Zewdu (2018).

[6] Correlations are explored (rather than causation given selection effects) via estimating regressions using ordinary least squares. 

[7] Extended families and kinship networks provide crucial assistance in times of need in Ethiopia, such as providing help during a health crisis discussed by Krishnan and Sciubba (2009) and covering funeral costs by setting up funeral societies as found by Dercon et al (2006). 

Behind the research: Joseph Teye

Over the course of the last 10 years, the Migrating out of Poverty consortium has drawn on the enthusiasm and expertise of many people across the globe. This blog series focuses on the people behind the research, who have kindly shared personal reflections and learning from their experience of working with the consortium.

Joseph has worked with the Migrating out of Poverty programme as a member of the Ghana research team for all three phases. He was the Ghanaian-based lead investigator of the ‘Migration into Cities’ and the ‘Income and Remittances’ research projects. He also participated, as a researcher, in all the other consortium research projects in Ghana.

I have learned that in order to enhance the impact of any research project, there is a need to design a comprehensive research uptake plan at the inception phase of the project. I also found the appointment and training of research uptake officers to engage stakeholders very useful in enhancing the project impacts. 

Working with the programme has enhanced my capacity to work with researchers from various academic backgrounds. Involvement in the programme has also increased the visibility and research management capacity of the Centre for Migration Studies. 

I am proud of the fact that the Migrating out of Poverty research outputs are being used to develop migration and development policies in Ghana and elsewhere in Africa.

The Migrating out of Poverty programme has been a true team effort, and we appreciate the role each individual has played in producing and disseminating the research.

Thank you for all your hard work with the Migrating out of Poverty programme, Joseph!

Behind the research: Julie Litchfield

Over the course of the last 10 years, the Migrating out of Poverty consortium has drawn on the enthusiasm and expertise of many people across the globe. This blog series focuses on the people behind the research, who have kindly shared personal reflections and learning from their experience of working with the consortium.

Julie has led the quantitative work of Migrating out of Poverty for 6 years, working with partners in Singapore, Bangladesh, Ghana, Ethiopia and Zimbabwe to understand patterns of migration and remittances, and the impact that migration has on household poverty.  

For the last three years she has led the Income and Remittances theme, focusing on generating robust evidence on the impacts of migration in three African countries, supporting partners to design and implement bespoke longitudinal surveys and to analyse the data using rigorous methods.

It has been an enormous privilege to work with partners across the Migrating out of Poverty consortium, both early career researchers and leading experts. I have learned a tremendous amount about the richness and diversity of migration experiences and how these are shaped by local and regional policy, economic and social contexts. 

Together we have been able to shed light on the complicated way migration affects households and also share our insights with policy makers and civil society in each country as well as international organisations.

The Migrating out of Poverty programme has been a true team effort, and we appreciate the role each individual has played in producing and disseminating the research.

Thank you for all your hard work with the Migrating out of Poverty programme, Julie!

Migration, remittances and perceptions of quality of life of those staying behind in Ethiopia

This blog was written by Caroline Kariuki.

When I arrived at the University of Sussex on the 4th of February, it was cold, wet and rainy. I had read about the English winter weather but no amount of reading could have prepared me for that day. I think the effect was even more pronounced as 72 hours earlier, I had been sweating in the heat of Nairobi. I quickly learnt that boots, gloves and a good waterproof winter jacket are essential in such weather. Fortunately, as the days passed, I began to acclimatise and appreciate that there is beauty to be found in each season.

The warm welcome I received from Dr Julie Lichfield, Senior Lecturer in Economics, and her colleagues at the University of Sussex made it much easier for me to settle into the university as well as into the beautiful city of Brighton & Hove. During my visit, I had an opportunity to listen to researchers who presented their work during the weekly seminars held at the Sussex Centre for Migration (SCMR) and the department of Economics. While carrying out my research at the University of Sussex, I worked closely with Dr Litchfield who provided invaluable guidance and insight on the preliminary findings from our ongoing research, the title and subject of this blog.

Over the years, there has been increased interest on the relationship between migration and the well-being of household members staying behind in the origin country. Additionally, there is also literature that has considered the relationship between receiving remittances and well-being. For example, research by Gartaula, Visser and Niehof (2012) reveals that Nepalese women in remittance receiving households experience increased objective wellbeing (economic situation, access to food and water, child education, etc.) but not necessarily subjective well-being (feeling separated from partner who has migrated, feeling overburdened with work, problems with disciplining children, etc.).

A more recent study that captures the relationship between migration, remittances and subjective well-being of those staying behind has been carried out by Ivlevs, Nikolova and Graham (2019). Their study uses data from a wide range of origin countries and uses several subjective well-being measures. The authors find that having family members abroad is associated with greater well-being while receiving remittances is linked with increases in well-being especially in poorer contexts. However, we note that Ethiopia was not one of the countries used in the study by Ivlevs, Nikolova and Graham (2019).

Our research aims to fill this gap by presenting findings on the relationship between migration, remittances and perceptions of quality of life of those staying behind in rural households in Ethiopia.  The data used in our research is from one of the Migrating out of Poverty household surveys collected in Ethiopia in September 2018 for the Income and Remittances theme.

Initial findings on the relationship between migration, remittances and perceptions of quality of life of rural households

The questions posed to households with and without migrants about their perceptions of their quality of life include:

1. How satisfied are you now about your household’s living conditions?
2. Comparing now and five years ago, how would you describe the overall quality of life (based on indicators of the economy, health and education) in your household?

Household living conditions and migration

Figure 1: Relationship between satisfaction with household living conditions and migration

Preliminary findings show that households with migrants (internal and/or international) tend to be more satisfied with their household living conditions compared to households without a migrant. Figure 1 above illustrates that 59% of households with both internal and international migrants are satisfied with their living conditions, compared to 43 of households with only internal migrants and 37% of household with no current migrants. Some of this difference is  undoubtedly related to remittance recept: both internal and international migrants take advantage of better work opportunities and save part of their income to send home. A common use of remittances is improvement of the family home.

Household living conditions and remittances

Figure 2: Relationship between satisfaction with household living conditions and remittances

From Figure 2 above, it is evident that households in receipt of remittances seem more satisfied with their living conditions compared to households that do not receive remittances. This supports the view that remittances are often spent on improving housing. The photos at the end of this blog (Figure 5) show the improvement in housing over time which survey participants attribute to receiving remittances. 

Household overall quality of life and migration

Figure 3: Relationship between overall quality of life and migration

Turning to how respondents view their overall quality of life, we see a similar pattern of greater satisfaction among households with migrants, Figure 3 above illustrates that households with migrants (internal and/or international) are more likely to report that their overall quality of life has improved compared to households without a migrant. This is again likely be explained by the receipt of remittances, particularly from international migrants, who, our data suggests, send larger volumes of remittances than internal migrants. Literature shows that remittances can lead to improved sanitary conditions, healthier life styles, proper healthcare and greater educational attainment (Amuedo-Dorantes, 2014).

Household overall quality of life and remittances

Figure 4: Relationship between overall quality of life and remittances

Figure 4 above illustrates that remittance receiving households are more likely to respond that their overall quality of life has improved compared to households that do not receive remittances. Out of the households that receive remittances, 74% report that their overall quality of life has improved, compared to just 54% of the households that do not receive remittances.

Further analysis

The next step in this research will involve using econometric models to estimate the relationship between migration, remittances and income, and measures of subjective well-being.  We will explore how this relationship varies across different contexts. The effect of household head characteristics and the household socio-demographic characteristics will also be considered in this analysis.

Ethiopia is an interesting case study because of the extent of migration both internally and internationally. Our data also suggests that there has been a lot of return migration in response to inter-ethnic conflicts in the country and restrictions on migration to the Gulf States. Furthermore, it will be interesting to find out if Ethiopia conforms to the results presented in the research carried out by Ivlevs, Nikolova and Graham (2019).

References

• Amuedo-Dorantes, C. The good and the bad in remittance flows. IZA World of Labor 2014: 97
• Gartaula HN, Visser L, Niehof A. Socio-Cultural Dispositions and Wellbeing of the Women Left Behind: A Case of Migrant Households in Nepal. Soc Indic Res. 2012;108(3):401–420. doi:10.1007/s11205-011-9883-9
• Ivlevs, A., Nikolova, M. & Graham, C. J Population Economics (2019) 32: 113.

Behind the research: Mohammad Jalal Uddin Sikder

Over the course of the last 10 years, the Migrating out of Poverty consortium has drawn on the enthusiasm and expertise of many people across the globe. This blog series focuses on the people behind the research, who have kindly shared personal reflections and learning from their experience of working with the consortium.

Mohammad Jalal Uddin Sikder serves as an Associate Professor at the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB), and worked with the consortium between 2013 and 2016. During this time, he worked on the policy processes theme, focusing on a study of ‘Cross-border movement of the Rohingyas from Burma: Exclusion, vulnerability and survival strategies’. Mohammad also conducted research on ‘Gendered practices of remittance use and the shaping of youth aspiration: A case of Bangladesh’, under the gender and generations research theme. 

The biggest lesson I have learned through my involvement in the programme is a theoretical understanding and explaining on migration, life choices, life chances, vulnerabilities, social inclusion  and exclusion and social resilience. These contribute to an understanding of the ways in which migration and remittances contribute to development and shape social actions and relations in Bangladesh. 

Attending the“Poverty Research Consortium Meeting”, organised by the African Centre for Migration & Society (ACMS) in March 2014 was the most important moment for me because I met the team and could share our knowledge. I learned a lot of enlightening information, particularly about research communications and planning strategies, very important aspects of the project. 

The Migrating out of Poverty programme has allowed me to build a very strong academic and research reputation in Bangladesh, and South Asia. Based on two research papers, I have already published two working papers, two book chapters to Routledge and two policy briefs. I have also received invitations to present research findings in national and international conferences, participated national and international TV talk shows and published comments to national and international newspapers and magazines.     

The Migrating out of Poverty programme has been a true team effort, and we appreciate the role each individual has played in producing and disseminating the research.

Thank you for all your hard work with the Migrating out of Poverty programme, Mohammad!

Behind the research: Kefasi Nyikahadzoi

Over the course of the last 10 years, the Migrating out of Poverty consortium has drawn on the enthusiasm and expertise of many people across the globe. This blog series focuses on the people behind the research, who have kindly shared personal reflections and learning from their experience of working with the consortium.

Professor Kefasi Nyikahadzoi started working with the Migrating out of Poverty with the Centre for Applied Social Sciences at the University of Zimbabwe, coordinating work on the income and remittances theme.

“One of the biggest lessons I learnt is the importance of taking research results back to the communities who provided the data, for validation.  I also learnt how to provide qualitative explanations for emerging trends and patterns in the descriptive statistics. 

We are very proud of the interactions that we had with national and district level stakeholders. Through those interactions, we were able to contribute towards policy designed to improve the welfare of migrant-sending households.”

 The Migrating out of Poverty programme has been a true team effort, and we appreciate the role each individual has played in producing and disseminating the research.

Thank you for all your hard work with the Migrating out of Poverty programme, Kefasi!

Behind the research: Brenda SA Yeoh

Over the course of the last 10 years, the Migrating out of Poverty consortium has drawn on the enthusiasm and expertise of many people across the globe. This blog series focuses on the people behind the research, who have kindly shared personal reflections and learning from their experience of working with the consortium.

Brenda worked with the Migrating out of Poverty programme for 8 years, in her position as Research Leader of the Asian Migration Cluster at the Asia Research Institute. Brenda investigated a number of themes including remittances and livelihood strategies of Indonesian migrant women as domestic workers in Singapore, and policy dynamics and processes. 

"With its considerable scope across research centers in Asia and Africa, working on Migrating out of Poverty has allowed me to deepen research networks and nurture collaborative relationships with leading experts on migration from a range of disciplines and backgrounds.  

I'm proud to have worked with an excellent team of young, emerging scholars in Singapore as well as international collaborators to extend existing research and tease out comparative approaches to migration and development in Asia and Africa.  

One of the most unique aspects in participating in Migrating out of Poverty has been the concerted effort to produce work that is not only timely and sound but also relevant to stakeholders beyond an academic audience, prompting us to reflect closely on the policy implications of our findings. Policy matters!"

The Migrating out of Poverty programme has been a true team effort, and we appreciate the role each individual has played in producing and disseminating the research.

Thank you for all your hard work with the Migrating out of Poverty programme, Brenda!

Behind the research: Kudakwashe P. Vanyoro

Over the course of the last 10 years, the Migrating out of Poverty consortium has drawn on the enthusiasm and expertise of many people across the globe. This blog series focuses on the people behind the research, who have kindly shared personal reflections and learning from their experience of working with the consortium.

Kuda started out working with Migrating out of Poverty back in 2014 as a Communications Intern with the African Centre for Migration & Society (ACMS). He is now Research Communications Officer and studying for a PhD. In his 5 years with the programme he worked across almost all the research themes.

“The internship programme for me was just the stepping stone I needed to get into migration studies. I am now pursuing my PhD and academic career in migration studies, which would have not been possible without this opportunity. 

My proudest moment has been producing evidence to engage policy makers in South Africa for many years to come.”

The Migrating out of Poverty programme has been a true team effort, and we appreciate the role each individual has played in producing and disseminating the research.

Thank you for all your hard work with the Migrating out of Poverty programme, Kuda!

Migrating out of Poverty in the news

We are delighted that the launch of the new phase of Migrating out of Poverty was covered by the Ethiopian Reporter. Here’s an English translation so you can see what they had to say.

More than 11 million Birr budget is allocated for the study

A study that investigates why citizens from different Ethiopian regions - who migrate to be house maids or for other jobs in Addis Ababa, other cities, to the Middle East and other countries - prefer illegal routes instead of the legal means was launched.

The study is to be conducted by the Organisation for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa (OSSREA) and is to be carried out by scholars recruited from Addis Ababa University and other areas and organised into three teams. A budget of more than eleven million Ethiopian Birr has been allocated for the study.   

The study is entitled, “Migrating out of Poverty” with three themes namely, Migration Industry, Gender and Generations and Income and Remittances in Ethiopia.

Fekadu Adugna (PhD) from Addis Ababa University is the coordinator and researcher of the team that studies the “Migration Industry in Ethiopia”. He informed the Reporter that the main aim of the study is to find out why citizens migrating within country from regions to Addis Ababa and from Ethiopia to other countries prefer illegal migration routes. He explained that the study is an attempt to understand why migrants prefer non-legal brokers even though over four hundred legal agencies are available and how the non-legal brokers are able to recruit migrants for illegal migration.   

According to his explanation it has been seen and well known for many years that children can get money from their farming families who, without any hesitation and suspicion, provide their illegally migrating children with money by selling their oxen and any available assets and who are easily convinced by the persuasion of non-legal brokers.

The researcher pointed out that not only the journey of the family member but also understanding how the non-legal brokers create migrant route networks from Ethiopia until they arrive in the Middle East is a part of the study and explained that this kind of process is referred to as “Migration Industry” or “Migration Infrastructure”.

He reported that OSSREA, which was established 37 years ago by African scholars, has accomplished many projects. They have started to work on migration of citizens in Ethiopia. He pointed out that the funds for the study were obtained from the UK Department for International Development (DFID) through Sussex University.

The researcher argues, “If we call migration illegal, it is difficult to rectify the problem”. He emphasises that beyond saying “they are not governed by rules” and accusing and criminalizing their act, the study is important to understand the problem thoroughly and advise them on how problem could be resolved and present findings to policy makers as part of the solution.

Trying to rectify the problem by accusing and criminalizing brokers by calling them “illegal brokers”, when it is known that double the amount of legal migrants leave the country through illegal routes every day, makes the problem more hidden, secret and disastrous.  As a result, he stressed that better results would be achieved, and the problem could be alleviated, by coming together and working together towards rectifying the problem.

Do migrants chose illegal brokers because the brokers only ask for a small sum of money; because they do not require additional criteria for migration; or is it because the brokers are uneducated and do not care much about their citizens? He added that the major task of the research team is to present recommendations to the government from results drawn from the migrants’ families at grassroots level and non-legal brokers.

He commented that instead of calling non-legal brokers ‘criminals’ which makes them hide themselves, his team started the study to create the necessary knowledge and find answers by asking them what they think should be done, if they need support, how they should be supported, and how to support them and teach them before formulating policy. He pointed out that even though the government has banned these types of journeys for the last four years because of the disasters that have happened to Ethiopian citizens in Saudi Arabia and other places, illegal migration has continued just like formal migration. Because it is necessary to correct the problems through concerted efforts, the team is trying to come up with comprehensive findings which would help to rectify the problem. He underlined that the study tries to present other study results in the area to the government and thereby to facilitate the alleviation of the problem.  

Another researcher in the team is studying the changes to the families of those who go from the regions to Addis Ababa, to other cities, and abroad. Adamnesh Atnafu (PhD) explained the underlying basis of this study is to understand family perspectives on the benefits of female and male migration.  

She added that the team studies identify whether it is the father or the mother who puts into utilisation the remittance sent by the migrant. Particularly it examines how they utilise the money to send female children to school and family and children negotiate on to bring about change in their lives.

The third research theme compares the lives of families whose members have not migrated with that of whose family members have migrated and studies the importance of remittances and the changes they bring to families. They will make an in-depth study of the family members of those who legally or illegally migrate, identify the advantages and disadvantages, and present the outcome to the government to be considered in relevant policies.   

Zimbabwean migrants and vehicle-based remitting patterns: Reflections in the International Month of Family Remittances

By Kudzai Vanyoro

This month 13 July 2016 was the International day of Family Remittances. Therefore I reflected on vehicle networks as remittance channels for Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa, particularly the cross-border bus networks. I also sought to find out reasons why these networks were preferred by some migrants.

On 8 July, my cousin-sister asked me to assist her by sending money to her parents in Zimbabwe. After asking which money sending agency she preferred, she informed me that I had to send it by bus. This entailed going to a regional bus terminus in Braamfontein in the Johannesburg CBD. This terminus is popularly known to Zimbabweans and others as “Power House”.

I got into the station at around midday fearing that the buses, which take the bus route to her home, had all departed already. I was welcomed by loud bus engine roars and hoots, ticket-advertising chants from bus conductors, and partially blocked paths between tightly spaced buses. “This is actually a remitting channel for some Zimbabwean migrants,” I thought to myself. I was a bit nervous because this channel is based on trust and has a lot of risks1.

Memory took me back to how the term ‘remittances’ had been defined in migration workshops I had previously attended:  a process of sending money or goods for payment or gift purposes.  Through further research, I found out that Zimbabweans in South Africa remit 58% of the total remittances from South Africa into the rest of the SADC region,2 and that, although regional bus terminuses were more often than not adjacent to online money-sending facilities, “The use of ‘omalaitshas’, personal couriers, relatives and spouses and other religious networks are noteworthy forms of remitting income and goods”.3 So at Power House, my thoughts wandered about in my head as I searched for a bus company with “decent -looking” individuals to whom I could entrust my sister’s money.

“Why do you opt to remit via road networks instead of using institutionalised money-transfer agents or freight companies?” I asked my sister later that day.

“My parents prefer taking money or groceries from the bus. That way they can petition the driver of my wellbeing and in some cases, hand him my favourite traditional foods to bring back to me,” she responded.

She further explained that the presence of semi-professional remittance agents in this channel also allowed for flexibility and innovation. At the end of the day, her parents would receive money and she would also receive culturally significant foods which kept her in touch with home. So I concluded that this channel facilitated a reciprocal flow of remittances between migrant families, gratifying the income and survival needs of those at home and the nostalgic or cultural needs of those abroad4.

Another task I had to endure on this particular day was that of negotiating charges with the bus personnel who were willing to deliver the money. A standard A4 counter book was handed to me, into which I was supposed to fill in personal details of the sending and receiving ends. Sections appeared in this order: Name of sender, contact number of sender, name of receiver, contact details of receiver, worth of money or goods sent, and money paid for service. The figure payable for the transportation of money could only be determined through ‘rational’ negotiations with the conductor. After negotiating and paying a reasonable amount, I came to the conclusion that remitting through the bus networks was much more affordable and had non-fixed, negotiable rates, unlike the more formalised agents whose rates are fixed and non-negotiable, this channel seemed cost effective. I was also told that frequency in sending through the same bus services led to cordial relationships between transporters and senders. Benefits included loyalty-driven ‘discounts’ when sending and, in some cases, free sending of small gadgets such as phones. This is crucial to migrants, given that sub-Saharan Africa is the most expensive region when it comes to the costs of agent-based remitting with South Africa having the highest costs. So I could see that the bus service remittance route is much more affordable, and fits the budgets of migrants and their families a lot better.

As my sister had explained, another factor influencing her remitting channel decisions had to do with her parents’ location and preferences.  Due to the absence of agent offices in their rural Masvingo area in Zimbabwe, the bus proved the only available and convenient channel; not to mention the fact that her parents who are older recipients of remittances would rather spare themselves the trouble of using pins and codes to collect money. 

All in all I observed that the decision on which channel to remit through was not solely influenced by the migrants themselves, and that the non-migrant families also play an active role in deciding preferred channels. As is the case of my sister, who chooses the bus for its ‘affordability and flexibility’, I am sure that there are other migrants who do the same. It may not be the most reliable of channels, seeing that the transactions are based merely on ‘trust’ but it seems to work for her and other migrants who might hold similar beliefs.

Migrating out of Poverty Research Consortium conducted both quantitative and qualitative  researches on Zimbabwean migrants and remittances namely, Migrating out of poverty in Zimbabwe and Migration's effects on sending communities: Zimbabwe case study . Remittances were also discussed by Dr. Lothar Smith and Dr. Zaheera Jinnah in a “What does translocality mean and why does it matter” workshop held at ACMS earlier this year.

Kudzai Vanyoro is a Migrating out of Poverty  Research Communications intern based at the University of the Witwatersrand African Centre for Migration & Society  in Johannesburg.

Follow him on Twitter @kudzaivanyoro1

1 Dzingirai, V. Egger, E.M. Landau, L. Litchfield, J. Mutopo, P. and Nyikahadzoi, K. (2015;7) Migrating out of poverty in Zimbabwe, accessed on http://migratingoutofpoverty.dfid.gov.uk/files/file.php?name=wp29-dzingirai-et-al-2015-migrating-out-of-poverty-in-zimbabwe.pdf&site=354 on 11 July, 2016.

2 Finmark Trust (2015) The South Africa- SADC Remittance Channel, accessed on www.southernafricatrust.org/.../2015/.../finmark-trust-remittances-from-south-africa-t on 10 July 2016

3 Dzingirai, V. Egger, E.M. Landau, L. Litchfield, J. Mutopo, P. and Nyikahadzoi, K. (2015) Migrating out of poverty in Zimbabwe, accessed on http://migratingoutofpoverty.dfid.gov.uk/files/file.php?name=wp29-dzingirai-et-al-2015-migrating-out-of-poverty-in-zimbabwe.pdf&site=354 on 11 July, 2016.

4 Remittances: Cultural Connections and Diaspora Challenges (January 4, 2016), accessed on

 http://www.stabroeknews.com/2016/features/01/04/remittances-cultural-connections-diaspora-challenges/ on 12 July 2016.

Migration as a route out of poverty in Zimbabwe: remittances and gender

by Julie Litchfield

This year on International Women’s Day, 8 March 2016, I will be speaking at a conference on migration at the National Gallery of Zimbabwe in Harare, presenting some of the Migrating out of Poverty research undertaken in collaboration with the Centre for Applied Social Sciences (CASS) at the University of Zimbabwe.[1]

Colleagues at CASS have carried out extensive qualitative fieldwork in migrant-sending communities across the country and one of the observations they have made is that families often describe women migrants as the “saviour of the family”, less likely to forget their families at home and more likely to send a range of cash and goods than male migrants.

Just over a year ago in April 2015 we carried out a fairly large survey of households to probe deeper into migration and remittances. We have been able to collect data on the type of remittances sent home by individual migrants, the frequency and value of remittances as well as data on each household’s living standards, and I have been using this data to investigate the belief that women are the saviours of the family.

First I wanted to explore if families regard migration as a positive or a negative development. We asked households several questions about their perception of migration as a route out of poverty and were surprised that only around half felt that households with migrants were generally better off than those without. Digging deeper, I found that migration is seen as a good thing by those households who receive remittances, especially among female headed households.

Looking at who remits, I discovered that what migrants remit differs. Male migrants are slightly more likely to remit cash than female migrants, a large proportion of whom send goods, such as food, clothing and school items. Interestingly however, proportionately more women than men migrants send both cash and goods, and while the cash they send is lower in value, the value of goods is higher. This resonates strongly with findings of our CASS colleagues in the qualitative research. Perhaps this mixture of remittances suits households’ needs better and that is why women migrants are described as saviours.

To explore the idea deeper, I estimated a simple econometric model of remittance receipt. This helps me to explore what factors affect the probability that a household receives remittances. As my independent factors, I included variables on the household size and composition, whether the migrant has left behind children at home and also variables that capture the household’s assets and current living conditions. The theory behind this model is that remittances might be motivated by altruistic reasons (concern over aging parents, younger siblings for example) or for exchange reasons (for example the need to continue to contribute to the household and protect inheritable assets, or to maintain a certain social standing within the home community).

My results suggest that the independent factors that affect whether or not a household receives remittances differ between male and female migrants. Remittances to households from male migrants depend heavily on the assets of the household: households with bigger houses or a higher standard of living are more likely to receive remittances than those households we might regard as poorer. In contrast, remittances from female migrants are unaffected by these factors. Instead, female remittances depend almost entirely on the demographic make-up of the household: older heads of households, larger households and households where the migrant has left children behind are the only factors that appear to play any role in the remittance model. These factors also affect remittances receipt from male migrants[2] but what is striking is the absence of any relationship between female remittances and household wealth and living standards: female migrants remit regardless of whether the household is rich or poor. 

What does this tell us? We need to be careful about jumping too quickly to the conclusion that women care more about their families than men. One interpretation is that what underlies these differences is a complex set of rules and norms that are highly gendered and work at numerous levels within the household and the wider community. Male migrants may need to send remittances home to maintain their social standing not just within their own household but also in the community. Perhaps more is at stake the better off their household, both in terms of what they might inherit or the role they might be able to fulfil when they return.  A preference for sending cash might help with this aim. Women on the other hand may be seeking only the approval of their household as a caring, dutiful daughter for example, and thus send goods which they believe the family needs and demonstrates thoughtfulness and concern.

Understanding this complex set of rules and norms is difficult and warrants further research, especially when designing policy. Policies to reduce the transaction costs of sending formal cash remittances for example may have little effect on remittances from women if they continue to place value on sending remittances in the form of goods. A so-called diaspora bond may only be attractive to male migrants. What is clear is that policy on migration in general and on remittances in particular needs to be informed by a deeper understanding of these gendered patterns of behaviour.

Julie's presentation slides can be accessed here.

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[1] I would like to thank the National Gallery of Zimbabwe for their kind invitation to speak at their conference and the British Council (Zimbabwe) for generously funding my visit.

[2] Their remittances are very responsive to whether they have a child at home, much more so than female migrants. 

Dr Julie Litchfield is the Theme Leader for Quantitative Research for the Migrating out of Poverty Research Programme Consortium (MOOP) and Senior Lecturer in the Department of Economics at the University of Sussex. The Working Paper discussing aspects of the findings of the Zimbabwe survey is now available. See also Eva-Maria Egger's presentation of the preliminary findings of MOOP's household survey conducted in Zimbabwe  and her related blog discussing the context:  Migration in Southern Africa: A Visit to the City of Migrants.

Reflections on the Gendered Dimensions of Migration: Material and Social Outcomes of South-South Migration Conference

By Alex Ma

Held in conjunction with the Migrating out of Poverty (MOOP) consortium in July 2015, academics and researchers crammed into ARI’s seminar rooms for the exciting three-day conference Gendered Dimensions of Migration: Material and Social Outcomes of South-South Migration, that drew international attendance from MOOP partners and beyond. With over 20 presentations by academics from the UK, Singapore, South Africa, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Hong Kong, India, Ghana, Kenya, and Australia, the conference proved fruitful in bringing together ideas from diverse, interdisciplinary projects that allowed for peer review, networking, and reflections on the latest work being conducted in the field of migration.

In general, presentations were listed under four main themes: Labour and Mobility Regimes; Images of Gender, Migration, and Development; Gender Dynamics in the Labour Market; and Expectations and Moralities Surrounding Remittances. Though the conference was pitched mainly at an academic crowd, the Gender Dynamics and Remittances themes were also elaborated upon during two policy roundtable sessions attended by representatives from the World Bank, the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), the Asia Development Bank (ADB), and others.

A complaint that was echoed by attendees was the lack of communication and uptake of research findings by policymakers as well as the lack of policymaker attendance to such conferences. The roundtable provided an invaluable interface between the research being carried out and how findings may be put into practice.

The tone of the conference was set by Trond Waage of the University of Tromsø, Norway on the first day during his keynote speech. Presenting his film, ‘Les Mairuuwas’, Trond’s visual ethnography detailed the tumultuous lives of Central African Republic (CAR) refugees trying to forge a life for themselves as water transporters in Ngaoundéré, Cameroon. Though their journeys were often underwritten by struggle and hardship, their migratory journeys were also punctuated by a sense of solidarity and camaraderie.

In many ways Trond’s film echoed the theme of the second keynote speech by Deidre McKay of Keele University, UK. Deidre’s multi-sited, ethnographic work detailing the lives of Filipino domestic workers shared the common theme of aspiration. Though the migrants in the two cases presented are divided by different roots and backstories, they share a common desire for ‘progress’ and a better future. McKay revealed the extent of the role of migration in the development of whole towns and villages. From vanity building projects symbolic of migrant success to the more mundane balikbayan box of gifts and everyday goods sent from overseas migrants, her presentation showed how migration is a profoundly human phenomenon.

An interesting theme that emerged from the policy roundtable discussion was the recurring issue of migration cost. Dilip Ratha of the World Bank spoke about his ‘$100 billion idea’: to eradicate, or dramatically reduce, the cost for workers to migrate. This chimes well with findings within the MOOP consortium that unskilled labourers often finance their migration through debt, which exposes them to a greater potential for exploitation. This resonated with Katharine Jones’ (Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations, Coventry University, UK) mapping of the sprawling networks of profit-making stakeholders in the migration process. Dilip elaborated how migration could contribute to economic development and how its potential could be unlocked by lowering the barriers to entry into international labour markets.

The conference greatly benefitted from the interdisciplinary nature of the papers as well as the accessible way in which they were presented. With inputs from across the social sciences, the conference proved to be an engaging, challenging, and valuable platform through which migration – one of the most powerful forces of contemporary social change – was discussed and understood.

Alex Ma is the 2015 Migrating out of Poverty funded intern at the Asia Research Institute (ARI), National University of Singapore. To view the storify summary of the conference please visit:  https://storify.com/MigrationRPC/gendered-dimensions-of-migration-material-and-soci

Migration and changing intra-household gender roles and power relations

By Collins Yeboah

In Ghana, both young men and women migrate internationally and internally. Young, single men who migrate internationally dream of a better life, for example as construction workers in Libya or as professional football players in Europe, but early research on Ghanaian women migrants going abroad focused on those who migrated to work as commercial sex workers in neighbouring Cote d’Ivoire. Analysis of internal migration focused on migration from Northern to Southern Ghana due to the relative impoverishment of the north vis-à-vis the south of the country. Such migration initially involved young men who moved down to work on cocoa farms or as tenant farmers and more recently as scrap metal dealers. Since the economic downturn of the 1980s however, young, single women have begun to migrate internally, usually from the poorer northern part of the country to the south, and have been the subject of much scholarly interest. 

 

The Centre for Migration Studies, under the auspices of the Migrating out of Poverty Research programme, is currently undertaking a study, “Migration, Intra-Household Dynamics and Youth Aspirations in Ghana” which examines the ways in which migration can move people out of poverty. As I reflect on this, I remember my encounter with Asana in a commercial vehicle in my recent trip to Tamale in the north of Ghana, which epitomises the experiences of female migrants from the North to the South. 

 

Asana sits next to me in a bus from Tamale in the Northern Region of Ghana going to Accra, in the southern part of the country. She had spent several minutes on the phone. At a rest stop, Asana explained to me why she had had such a long telephone conversation.  Her husband, Fuseini has used the money she had left for the children’s school fees to buy seeds for the farm instead, something they did not agree on. She laments that her husband is only a subsistence farmer and the proceeds of the farm cannot fully provide for their needs and those of their three children (Abiba, 17, Musah, 15 and Moustapha, 11). With the help of a friend she migrated to Accra a year and a half ago to find work that would enable her to support the family. Since her migration she has consistently sent GHS 200 (approximately US $61) to her husband each month for the upkeep of the family which has improved their standard of living. As Asana is supporting the family financially, her husband Fuseini sees to the household chores and raises the children, tasks which, according to the society’s gender norms, would traditionally have been done exclusively by Asana. 

 

The conversation with Asana suggests that migration can change household gender roles. In Ghana, labour migration is socially constructed in accordance with idealised notions of gendered work and responsibilities. Men are often seen as “potential earners” and as household breadwinners, thus they are often favoured to migrate, while women are expected to stay behind to take care of the household. However, this structuring of gender roles is in the process of changing as evidenced by Asana’s migration to Accra in search of ways to enhance the wellbeing and survival of the household. 

 

Traditionally, women in Northern Ghana do not own lands but instead “borrow” them and are therefore excluded from agrarian decision-making. Studies indicate that a land crisis is leading to “deagrarianisation” or a societal moving away from agricultural production, and an increase in women’s non-farming activities, specifically in the processing of shea butter and groundnut oil as well as rice husking. Such non-farm activities do not provide enough income for the women yet they are expected to contribute towards the household’s food needs. As a result some of them migrate to the south in order to diversify their livelihoods. These migrant women provide financial support to their household through remittances.  It further brings to bear that household survival requires the contribution of each of its members irrespective of gender. Asana providing financial support for the family while Fuseini does the household chores and takes care of their children demonstrates the ways gender roles can change as a result of migration.

 

Asana’s story also illustrates how migrant remittances can have significant influence on power relations within household. Studies have shown that the sending of remittances may improve the position of women in their families and thereby enhance their participation in household decision-making. Despite receiving generally lower wages than men, research indicates that migrant women generally remit sums equal to those sent by their male counterparts. This can increase migrant women’s influence on household decisions while reducing their husbands' control over household resources.

 

Asana tells me that before her migration “I dared not ask what he used the money we got from the sales of the crops for. He used to tell me it was none of my business. I couldn’t even ask for the children’s school fees”. However she continues, “Now, I provide the money so I make decisions about what the money should be used on. You know something”, she explained “he wouldn’t have used the money to buy seeds if I were still there. I have told him to look for money to pay the fees else I won’t send him money again. I have done that before”, she concluded.    

 

This is a demonstration of how Asana has used migration as a means to increase her negotiation power within the household. She now has control over what the remittances she sends should be used for. Until her migration to Accra, such decisions were solely determined by her husband.

 

Migration has increasingly become a significant driver of transformation within the family and household and a significant livelihood strategy adopted by many to move out of poverty. However, there are relatively few studies on how the migration process affects intra-household power relations and gender roles. Thus the Centre for Migration Studies project “Migration, Intra-household Dynamics and Youth Aspirations in Ghana” will result in an in-depth understanding of the dynamics that surround internal migration and household relations. More so, as a society with gendered roles and rights, it will examine how migration is changing these roles and provide insights on how gender roles and ideologies are contested, reinforced or renegotiated within Ghanaian society.

 

 

Collins Yeboah is the Communications Officer for the West Africa hub of the Migrating out of Poverty Research Programme Consortium, based at the Centre for Migration Studies, University of Ghana.