By Priya Deshingkar
The UN Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) recently published an infographic on distress migration with the rationale that:
“Migrants are a potential resource for agriculture and
rural development as well as poverty reduction in their areas of origin.
However, distress migration of rural youth can result in the loss of an
important share of the most vital and dynamic part of the workforce, with
obvious consequences for agricultural productivity. This infographic describes the root causes of rural youth
distress migration and how out-migration and remittances can contribute to
rural development, poverty reduction and food security.”
Predictably this has led to tweets such as “Distress #migration of youth saps agric workforce & undermines food
security”; “Agriculture #RuralDevelopment can help #DistressMigration” which
can easily be read to mean that migration by those who come from poor families
is a problem and agriculture is always adversely affected by young people’s
migration.
There are several problems with the rationale presented in
the infographic:
1. Young
people migrate for both economic and non-economic reasons. In the graphic
the causes for distress migration of youth are identified as food insecurity,
poverty etc. These may well be the proximate economic causes but inextricably
bound up with these are other aspirational causes such as wanting to become an
urban person and changing one’s identity; wanting to move away from traditional
norms and cultural restrictions on behaviour and life choices. Our research on migration from chronically poor areas illustrates the complexity of the migration decision
calling into question simplistic categories such as distress migrants. For
example boys and girls in Ethiopia migrated for a variety of reasons including
the desire to continue with higher education, adopt urban lifestyles, escape early marriage and save money of
their own to start a business and move away from farming.
2. The
situation described is based on cross-sectional analysis, frozen in one point
in time. As such it does not consider how the situation of migrants and
their social and economic position might change over time. An approach grounded
in the analysis of the temporality of migration drivers and outcomes would show
how migration is incorporated into the life course of individuals and
households and how short term deprivation and hardship may be traded against
social and economic repositioning in the longer term. Emerging findings from
our research in Ghana and Bangladesh on the migration of young people from poor
households shows the transformative potential of migration over time.
3. An
underlying assumption seems to be that reducing poverty at source can reduce
migration. But we know from experience that this is not the case at all and
in fact migration tends to increase with improved access to resources as both Skeldon
and Martin have
demonstrated years ago.
4. The
experience of rural employment programmes in reducing migration is mixed. It cannot be assumed that creating jobs in rural areas will
reduce migration. We need to ask what kind of jobs are being created and
whether these are in sync with young people’s vision of who they want to be?
5. People in remittances receiving households
withdraw from work but this doesn't necessarily indicate an unhealthy
dependence on remittances. As has
been argued by Clemens, instead it could mean that those left behind no longer
have to work in degrading and demeaning occupations.
6. It is not
clear whether the negative impacts of “distress migration” shown in the
infographic are based on empirical evidence or whether they are purely hypothetical based on old theories such
as lost labour theory. The migration of young people from labour
surplus situations or large households may not have such consequences. Even in
households where other able bodied adults are not present, there may be
community or kinship based systems of sharing labour.
7. If
distress migration is defined as migration that is undertaken when it is
perceived to be the only option out of poverty this suggests that staying at
home is a worse option. So it begs the question – how is migration then a worse
outcome than staying at home?
Dear Dr. Priya
ReplyDeleteAgree with most of your incisive comments about assumptions about distress migration.
Please give a feedback on this argument
https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&pid=sites&srcid=ZGVmYXVsdGRvbWFpbnxnZXJiaWxzb2Z0aGFyfGd4OjdlYTJkZmYxYjMxNWIwNzE
Dear Rahul thank you so much for your comment. I will read your article.
DeleteDr Priya,
ReplyDeleteThis is a very powerful piece, challenging FAO's simplistic narrative of youth, migration and rural development. In our paper, we have also questioned such linear understanding while exploring more dynamic and contradictory outcomes of labour migration in Nepal. Y
Reconsidering the links between poverty, international labour migration, and agrarian change: critical insights from Nepal. Your interesting work (with K. Bird) has been cited here.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/280035370_Reconsidering_the_links_between_poverty_international_labour_migration_and_agrarian_change_critical_insights_from_Nepal
Look forward to receiving your feedback on our paper.
Ramesh
Dear Ramesh, thank you for alerting me to your paper on Nepal. I will read it with interest as I am just writing up some research that we did there last year.
Delete