By L Alan Winters
On the 19th September, the UN will hold a High Level Meeting of the General Assembly on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants. It will be informed by a draft Declaration of fairly broad principles accompanied by two Annexes making somewhat more concrete commitments.
The Declaration makes twelve references to ‘sustainable development’ and is heavily oriented towards the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The high principles of the 2030 Agenda led to concrete promises only in terms of achieving ‘orderly’ migration and the minor issue of remittance costs. The Declaration takes a more balanced approach to migration, by recognising more frankly the developmental benefits that it brings. However, the Declaration’s principal route to ‘balance’ is to mention almost any idea that exists which pertains to migration. Given such comprehensiveness, it is perhaps surprising that I was mainly struck by two omissions – one conscious, but nonetheless regrettable, and the other (I hope) by over-sight.
On the 19th September, the UN will hold a High Level Meeting of the General Assembly on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants. It will be informed by a draft Declaration of fairly broad principles accompanied by two Annexes making somewhat more concrete commitments.
The Declaration makes twelve references to ‘sustainable development’ and is heavily oriented towards the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The high principles of the 2030 Agenda led to concrete promises only in terms of achieving ‘orderly’ migration and the minor issue of remittance costs. The Declaration takes a more balanced approach to migration, by recognising more frankly the developmental benefits that it brings. However, the Declaration’s principal route to ‘balance’ is to mention almost any idea that exists which pertains to migration. Given such comprehensiveness, it is perhaps surprising that I was mainly struck by two omissions – one conscious, but nonetheless regrettable, and the other (I hope) by over-sight.
Internal migration
The Declaration states that there were 244 million
international migrants in 2015. But we know that there were
also probably about 760 million internal migrants. The causes and
consequences of internal migration are pretty similar to those of international
migration, except that in most countries there is no formal legal
barrier equivalent to immigration policies a country’s border. People move to
try to raise their standards of life in economic or social terms. Because the
physical and cultural distances between origin and destination are usually
smaller for internal migration, it is cheaper and thus more open to poorer
people. So, internal migration is more likely to help overcome poverty than
international migration because most international migrants tend not to be poor
in the first place.
The lower cost of internal than international migration also
means that people will move for smaller rewards and/or with less concern for
the risks - internal migration involves taking a smaller bet. As a result it is
not surprising to see that some internal migrants fail to realise the gains
they hoped for and face challenges finding decent housing and secure
employment. This is no reason to discourage migration, however; rather it calls
for policies to ease migrants’ transitions by countering discrimination, making
public services accessible even to newcomers, and ensuring that potential
migrants have access to better information.
Where is the evidence
base?
The unconscious omission is to evidence, research or analysis;
none of these words occurs at all in the Declaration or its Annexes! There is a
hint (in Annex II para. 4.3) of ‘technical expertise’ being provided by the
International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and reference to a role for
civil society, but these are not commitments to evidence-informed policy and
practice per se.
Given our profound ignorance of the process and parameters
of migration this omission is rather disturbing. The shopping list approach of
the Declaration, which lists nearly all possible migration-relevant approaches
and activities, means that there is a desperate need to characterise the
necessary trade-offs and priorities in deciding what sub-set of them to
actually undertake.
In the Migrating
Out of Poverty Consortium we have studied the process of making or changing
policy in the super-sensitive field of migration. We find that, while
politicians often rely more on narratives and myths than on hard analysis (for
more on this see our work in Singapore
and Bangladesh).
Handled sensibly evidence
can make an important, if not dominant, contribution to good policy outcomes.
Moreover, in one case soon to be published on our website – South Africa’s
Trafficking in Persons Act 2013 – the politicians themselves felt the absence
of data and analysis acutely.
For sure, we need to act now on migration and to make policy
with the best information we have now, but that does not excuse failing to seek
more and better evidence in future. Thus in its debate I urge the General
Assembly to make a special reference to undertaking research and policy
analysis in migration on a deep and wide scale, not to see it as a mere
technical afterthought to be managed by its latest recruit to the UN family (the
IOM).
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