Friday, 7 March 2014

Capturing the potential of migration for women’s empowerment and poverty reduction


by Rosemary Vargas-Lundius, David Suttie and Anja Lund
 
Increased flows of information and the falling cost of transportation make migration increasingly viable for rural women and men today. Most of the rural people who decide to migrate arrive in larger towns and cities within their own country. In fact, the majority of global migration occurs within countries, with conservative estimates placing the number of internal migrants globally at 740 million, compared to 200 million international migrants.

One of the most significant changes in migration is that today more women are migrating than ever before. Women now constitute half the international migrant population, and trends seem to be similar for internal migration too, though data is scarce. In many countries the majority of migrants are now women. For example, in Sri Lanka and in the Philippines, female migrants are about 74 percent and 55 percent of total outflows respectively.

These trends are creating important opportunities for poverty reduction and women’s empowerment. The poverty reducing benefits of migration broadly are well documented. So too is the role that migration and remittances play in improving food security and alleviating poverty among poor rural households.
The benefits of migration apply also to migrants’ destination communities. In Brazil higher rates of internal migration are associated with reductions in poverty in destination cities (among both the local population and migrants) and increased access to infrastructure services. Far from placing additional pressure on urban labour markets as is sometimes feared, local households have been shown to benefit from complementarities of locals and migrants in productive tasks.

Migration offers opportunities for the empowerment of women in terms of access to paid employment outside the family, access to services and relaxation of the rigid gender norms which prevail throughout many rural societies. In cases where the migrating family member has been male, this has often enabled women to take on greater decision-making and management responsibilities on family farms, with remittances sometimes allowing them to hire labour to reduce their own workloads.

But what about the challenges? Migrating women are likely to continue experiencing forms of gender discrimination and are not always well placed to benefit from the prosperity of their destination towns and cities. According to UN-HABITAT, “gender gaps in labour and employment, decent work, pay, tenure rights, access to and accumulation of assets, personal security and safety, and representation in formal structures of urban governance, show that women are often the last to benefit from the prosperity of cities.”

Women and girls are the most affected by many governments’ struggles to maintain services and infrastructure. Expensive public transport systems hinder women’s mobility, and many are forced to live in poor housing in the face of escalating living costs. Migrant women living in poor urban neighbourhoods often have to compensate for a lack of services and infrastructure by working longer hours, caring for children who are frequently ill as a result of inadequate water and sanitation. Urban crime can also be a serious problem for migrant women. In addition, social relations can be more fragmented and despite urban areas having better equipped health clinics and more doctors, residence related access and the expense of such healthcare often puts it out of the reach of migrant women.

So, how can policy-makers support migrating women in light of these realities? Broadly, more attention is needed on promoting mobility. This should include removing disincentives such as residency based social protection (as is often the case with health and education schemes) and urban housing policies that are biased against migrants. But equally important will be addressing the gender dimensions of migration.

Introducing gender sensitive labour and migration legislation that enshrines international standards for the legal protection of migrants and promoting women’s groups and migrant associations are key aspects of this. So is including women in discussions between governments, employers, trade unions, civil society and migrant communities to ensure the contribution of migrants is recognized and their rights are protected. Initiatives to improve the safety of migrants, especially women, during their journeys as well as in their destinations are also needed. Only by empowering and supporting the role of women in migration can its potential poverty reducing impact be realized.

 Rosemary Vargas-Lundius, David Suttie and Anja Lund work for the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). Rosemary is also a member of Migrating out of Poverty's Consortium Advisory Group.

Wednesday, 18 December 2013

Migrating out of Necessity: A sad story from Indonesia

Endang Sugiyarto

We all know that poverty is multidimensional and people become poor for various reasons. It then follows that to break the vicious circle of poverty and to escape from the poverty trap, there must be many different ways too. Many have suggested that education (and human capital development) is one of the long term solutions while micro finance can help the poor to build up badly needed capital to earn extra income to have a chance building up economic capacity to break out of poverty. Migration is another such route, seen by many poor people as a golden opportunity to get a (much) better paying job and earn extra income in destination countries so that they can escape poverty now, or at least in the next generation. I must stress that this migrating out of poverty is NOT something new but it’s been practiced for hundreds of years in Indonesia. Migration to expand one's horizon and human capability is something that is encouraged and praised in the traditional culture decorated with success stories.
 
In the above context, Indonesia is currently one of major labour exporting countries in the world, sending hundreds of thousands migrant workers annually to the Middle East and neighbouring countries, and receiving a significant amount of remittances estimated around $7 billion annually or 1.3% of country’s GDP (World Bank, 2011). These are just official figures as the actual number of migrants and amount of remittances must be much higher due to the significant number of irregular migrants from Indonesia. They send remittances through informal channels that make them undetected and unrecorded in the official statistics.
 
International migration from Indonesia has a long history and currently labour exporting has been acknowledged as part of the government’s policy to reduce unemployment and channel the increasing number of labour force in the domestic economy. The government has developed programs to facilitate the migration and new institution to manage the migration process. As a result, about 3% of all households in Indonesia now have at least one person who has migrated. These rely on remittances as their main source of income which contribute around 30 percent of their total income.
 
My research is focusing on the reasons behind the choice to migrate and the effectiveness of policies to maximise the benefits of migration. I am using economic and other data available from the National Socioeconomic Survey (Susenas) 2007 to examine the underlying migration dynamics including their determinants and characteristics at household and region levels.
 
I started working on this in September 2012 . My results so far indicate that there are strong factors in Indonesia that push people to migrate internationally. They seem to be driven out by factors representing “burdens” to the household which are negatively associated with “better socio-economic indicators”. They seem to be driven to migrate out of necessity, in a desperate attempt to make a better life regardless of all obvious limitations, especially in relation to their human capital. For example, in rural areas, older and female headed households (associated with poor households), and households with a higher number of children and older people tend to have a higher number of members who have migrated abroad, while households with higher per capita expenditures, having more infant, productive age and educated members, tend to send less numbers of migrants. The finding that better-off and more educated households tend to send less migrants is further confirmed by the job status of migrant household heads, which are relatively more in non-employee categories with the main source of income from agriculture sector.
 
An analysis of different regions reveals a consistent feature. Agriculture as main source of household income is influenced by rural variable while the per capita expenditure and average length of study of household members are affected by region. The findings also suggest that migrant households are not among the poorest ones conforming to the results of previous studies that highlighted international migration cost is still relatively very expensive for the poor that reduces the likely of them to participate directly in the migration process. For example, placement fee for an Indonesian to migrate to Singapore would be S$3000-S$3600 (equivalent to approximately $2,391 – $2,870), which is very expensive and beyond the reach of the poor (Platt, M. et. al. 2013).
 
Therefore, my research will provide evidence to maximize the benefits of migration and remittances. I will help policy makers to develop more comprehensive and proactive policies, which have a stronger pro-poor impact. This includes addressing the dynamic factors driving migration, improving the human capacity of the migrants, and better facilitating migration as a free choice - not one of necessity- for migrant workers.
 
 
Endang Sugiyarto is a doctoral candidate in Migration Studies at the University of Sussex, funded by the Migrating out of Poverty Research Programme Consortium.

Research on migration – still so much to learn

Eva Maria Egger
 

I have been working on my PhD in Economics for the past year, alongside working as a Quantitative Research Assistant for the DfiD-funded Research Program Consortium ‘Migrating out of Poverty’ (RPC) which supports my studies. I decided to come to the University of Sussex because of its strong focus on research related to development. During my undergraduate degree in Germany I studied development issues, aid and politics. I later spent a short period living and working in Brazil, which is a country with high levels of migration and high levels of socio-economic inequality. Living in a city of more than 7 million inhabitants, I became fascinated by the fact that cities attract so many people, offer the potential of better prospects, but are challenged by fast population growth. I gained quantitative research skills during my MSc in Economics at Sussex, which laid the foundation that my PhD is going to build on. I am currently working on my first PhD-paper where I am asking: What do we know about urban labour markets in emerging and developing economies? What do migrants do in urban destinations? Does moving to the city yield better opportunities? What is the role of the informal sector? There is a lot of speculation and theory out there, and I aim to shed light on these questions with empirical evidence of the dynamics of urban labour markets and the role of workers’ mobility. Inspired by my time there, I am focusing on Brazil, which is a large country with many big cities and lots of people who migrate internally for work. Plus, there is a large informative dataset available to explore my question – an important determinant for quantitative research.

The Migrating out of Poverty RPC aims to combine quantitative and qualitative research to explore the nexus between migration and poverty in Africa and Asia. To contribute to the quantitative research, the core partners in all 5 regions (east, west and southern Africa and south and southeast Asia) are conducting a household survey covering migrant and non-migrant households. The most unique part of the survey is, in my opinion, that we will collect a lot of information on the subjective perception of wellbeing and of changes in the welfare of the households. My responsibility is to use the data from these surveys to calculate descriptive statistics, which can draw a picture of the general migration patterns in each country. Working with Julie Litchfield from the Economics Department at Sussex I also develop econometric strategies to answer more specific research questions and I then run these models in the software.

In the past few months I have worked on the first dataset from our partners in Ghana, the Centre for Migration Studies (CMS) based in Accra. Our aim is now to explore the connection between migration and subjective wellbeing at the household level. These results can then be used as the starting point for further, more detailed qualitative exploration of the migration-poverty nexus.

The experience of working with a ‘fresh’ dataset no one else has used before is really exciting for me. It is a great opportunity to learn about migration and the experience of migrants as well as their households from this data and from the data, which will be collected in the other partner countries. I hope, that we can gain some more knowledge about the migration and poverty nexus from this.

While I focus on the experience at destination of migrants in my PhD, my research for the RPC has gathered rich information on the origin households of migrants. By combining these two strands of research I hope to understand better why migration is such a commonly observed household strategy to improve wellbeing.

 

Eva Maria Egger is a doctoral candidate in Economics at the University of Sussex, funded by the Migrating out of Poverty Research Programme Consortium.